Remembering James Forman who challenged churches that largely refused to listen
James Forman died in early 2005 in a hospice in Washington, DC. He was 76.
Born in Chicago, he was one of the major figures in the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s.
To me he was also perhaps the pivotal figure in a career decision that I now am coming to see as my version of Nietzsche leaving his professorship to become in some respects an exile and a lone voice for an evolving understanding that could only have been the product of exile.
How could Jim Forman have such influence?
I never met him personally. I was around when he was around in Nashville in 1961. The documentary Eyes on The Prize has a brief shot of him in Selma, Alabama, -- the second, aborted march, the afternoon before the evening when James Reeb was killed. Standing behind Jim Forman in that documentary picture is me.
One answer to the influence question is that Jim Forman was
not only a prominent Civil Rights activist and administrator
and a respected thinker.
He was also a a challenger of the American religious establishment.
Whether he would accept that description or not,
it was my understanding at the time and remains so now.
The Reparations Struggle
This is not the place to tell the story of how the notion of reparations came into my mind or to speculate how it became an agenda which Jim Forman championed. The enduring essence of the matter is that Jim Forman challenged the mainline denominations of the American church to set aside substantial resources as reparations to be used for Black Economic Development.
I welcomed this initiative not merely because I believed the call for reparations was, and remains, just -- however we may name it.
But, even more, because I was convinced that the white U.S. Protestant denominations
would only be saved from triviality and obsolescence
by shedding their hefty endowments and agreeing to work together in unity --
a unity I had outlined in detail,
not only in my book The Grass Roots Church,
but also as an erstwhile representative of my denomination
-- the Presbyterians -- in Church Union negotiations.
The upshot of the Forman campaign was mainly
a sad series of confrontations marked by a failure of the major denominations
to do more than give lip service to the need for racial justice.
The notion that this was an historic opportunity for ecumenism --
which is how I saw it then and still wee it now now --
was increasingly just the fantasy of a few of us,
having no resonance in the halls of Protestantism.
But that did not stop me from siezing upon Jim Forman's initiative
(Black Economic Development was the initiative of many others at the time)
and organizing my own effort to confront the denominations
in December of 1969 in Cobo Hall in Detroit.
To make a sad and traumatic story short,
my effort was not merely a bust,
but a shameful display of denominational intransigence
culminating in a vote on a parliamentary point.
In essence, the assembled churches rejected a proposition
that disputes be resolved without recourse to state and police intervention.
This was a complete evasion of the fundamental issue
which was never understood or brought to a decision.
Avery Post Stepped Up
Ultimately, only one church leader -- my friend Avery Post --
stepped up and actually accomplished a substantial transfer.
$1 million in Boston --
a United Church of Christ local gesture in response to Jim's campaign.
There were other efforts that sprang from the Forman campaign.
The Black Manifesto did not get fully implemented by any means,
but the effort was not entirely fruitless.
Union Theological Seminary Draws a Blank
A few years back, I received a flyer
from the seminary I attended during the so-called golden age
of Reinhold Niebuhr and Paul Tillich -- Union in NYC.
They were having a meeting on reparations!
There was no reference in the flyer to Jim's effort
or more pertinently to the performance of the denominations in Detroit in 1969.
I know why but that is another long and painful story.
Short memories, "radical irrelevance", more of the same old. Jim Forman brought accountability to the Civil Rights movement.
And depth. And a commitment to getting things done. But he should also be remembered for his battle
to make Reparations an issue in the churches. Today I am sure his name would be unknown to 90 percent or more
Frangoulis and Theodorakis are joined by musicians, including two bouzouki players, and a very large audience that is completely familiar with the words. The audience joins in at Frangoulis' prompt.
This is my very favorite Theodorakis melody. Those who know Theodorakis only for his "Zorba" music are in for a treat. When I was in Athens in 1966, for a short period of study with Constantinos Doxiadis, I knew nothing of Theodorakis. But about five years later, my friend Irene Vassos sang "Sto perigiali" to us. I have never gotten the tune out of my mind.
Later, when Irene joined our group to form a travelling company performing "New Rain", I learned to pick out a …
Stephen C. Rose (1936-) was born in New York City and raised there. He currently lives there. He was educated at Trinity, Exeter, Williams and Union Theological Seminary. He served in the Student Interracial Ministry in Nashville. He founded and edited the prize-winning Renewal Magazine in Chicago and studied with C. A. Doxiadis in Athens. His first books "The Grass Roots Church" and "Who's Killing The Church" established him as a prominent critic of American Protestantism and American religion. He was and remains a civil rights activist. He has interviewed and done in depth pieces on Saul Alinsky and Martin Luther King, Jr. He won awards for editorial courage and for two documentary films. He has written and published many songs and musical works including "We Are All Americans". During the late 90s and early 2000s he worked for UN agencies, most recently editing CHOICES Magazine at UNDP. Since 2000 he has written several books for distribution via K…